Tuesday, August 28, 2012

ANTI WOMEN 2


AIIMS nurses victims of wife-beating

Staff Reporter
    

“Half of those questioned said that violence affected their overall well-being”
“Domestic violence by marital partner continues to be the most common form of violence against women. Its acceptance and frequent justification poses challenge to the empowerment of women,’’ notes a new pilot study titled “Domestic violence against nurses by their marital partners” covering nurses at the All-India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS) here.
The study, authored by Kamlesh Kumari Sharma and Manju Vatsa of the AIIMS College of Nursing and published in the Indian Journal of Community Medicine, states that physical and sexual violence affects the nurses’ physical and mental health and leads to an inability to concentrate, loss of confidence in their ability and inability to work.
“Over half of the study subjects (56.7 per cent) reported that physical or sexual violence affected their overall well-being. Being slapped was the most common act of physical violence (40 per cent), 18.86 per cent nurses were physically abused while pregnant. Worse, 45.8 per cent of the physically abused victims were kicked/beaten when pregnant,’’ noted the study.
Higher violence was reported if husband had lower educational status or indulged in drinking. “The prevalence of violence decreased with increased number of rooms in the house and increase of education of the couple. Increased rooms probably meant more personal space and privacy and hence better understanding. Higher socio-economic status was also reported to have protective effect against domestic violence in a nation-wide study in India,” revealed the study.
In India, statistical evidence on the prevalence of domestic violence against nurses, its characteristics, impact, and their perceptions regarding acceptable behaviour for men and women are non-existent.
“To understand the issues related to domestic violence among nurses the present study was planned. Domestic violence is a sensitive and intimate issue.
The study subjects were selected from four departments at the Institute – main hospital, private wards (new and main hospital), Dr. Bhim Rao Ambedkar Institute Rotary Cancer Hospital and Dr. Rajendra Prasad Centre for Ophthalmic Sciences. Here nurses work in three shifts. Nursing is one of the most women-centred professions and is impacted by violence on several fronts. There are high levels of role conflict with the domestic role and significant level of occupational stress,” note the authors in their published work.
The study also points out that wife-beating was believed to be justified under certain circumstances by 42 per cent of the respondents, while 10-20 per cent women said that they did not have the right to refuse sex.
These findings were found to be similar to a World Health Organisation’s multi-country study (2005) findings.
“The perceived impact of violence in the form of health and other effects like sickness/absenteeism was very high and suggested a need for intervention at the workplace,’’ concludes the study.
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Published: August 18, 2012 01:17 IST | Updated: August 18, 2012 04:16 IST 

No country for young women

Ratna Kapur

In a poll of 370 gender experts on how well women fared in G20 countries, India was ranked the worst country to be a woman. File Photo: Arunangsu Roy Chowdhury
The Hindu In a poll of 370 gender experts on how well women fared in G20 countries, India was ranked  the worst country to be a woman. File Photo: Arunangsu Roy Chowdhury
The bogey of ‘Indian cultural values’ has stifled conversation on women’s sexual rights
The startling murder of Pallavi Purkayastha, a 25-year-old legal professional, at her central Mumbai apartment on August 9 by the security guard of her building is another reminder of the abysmal levels of violence experienced by Indian women 66 years after Independence.
Pallavi appears to have been murdered while resisting the guard’s efforts to rape her. While a number of laws have been enacted over the course of the past few decades to address sexual violence against women, the fact is that women continue to be subjected to levels of violence that should shock the conscience of a country that has entered the 21st century and makes bold claims to be a new superpower.
In a poll of 370 gender experts on how well women fared in G20 countries (g20women.trust.org.), India was ranked the worst country to be a woman while Canada was the best. Saudi Arabia ranked second worst. While such polls are invariably limited in terms of bias — who counts as an expert as well as how statistics may be compiled — it does not detract from the fact that there is a serious need to examine why such extreme levels of violence against women continue to be tolerated. In a country that claims to traditionally revere its women, why do the perpetrators of violence against women seem to enjoy levels of impunity not entertained in other liberal democracies? Part of the answer rests in how women continue to be denied subjectivity and are infantilised as well as the bogey of Indian cultural values, which are nothing more than Victorian sexual mores in drag.
In response to Pallavi’s murder, the National Commission for Women appealed to Maharashtra Home Minister R.R. Patil to initiate steps to ensure the safety of women. The measures proposed included background checks of security guards, installation of CCTV cameras, intercoms, and security audits by cooperative housing societies in consultation with the local police. While these measures, if implemented, may provide a sense of better security, increase in surveillance techniques and strengthening of the security apparatus do little to address the disregard for women’s humanity in our society.
And such measures are often combined with an intensification of the moral surveillance of women’s lives, exemplified in the recent remarks of the Chairperson of the NCW that the violence was partly due to women blindly aping the West in terms of dress sense which was “eroding our culture and causing such crimes to happen”.
While such perceptions are not new and have been expressed from time to time by politicians as well as senior police officials across the country, they are based on two false assumptions: that violence against a woman is the woman’s responsibility, and secondly, that Indians are not able to accommodate a woman’s right to bodily integrity and sexual autonomy.
While laws continue to be enacted ostensibly for the benefit of women, invariably, these laws focus on sexual wrongs rather than women’s sexual rights. Violence and a conservative sexual morality combine to treat women as subjects who need to be protected from sex, as vulnerable and incapable of informed consent around issues of sexual intimacy or to defend themselves. They also tend to produce an extremely unflattering portrayal of all Indian men as sexual predators. To only focus on sexual wrongs, where everyone from the media to the politician project themselves as experts, is to constantly erode the  space for healthy conversations on sexual rights and the promotion of healthy human relationships. Even in universities, where the new Indian woman is claiming her space in India’s modernisation project, her freedom is curtailed by highly paternalistic and deeply problematic administrative rules that prohibit “public displays of affection” and penalise such displays together with obscene, lewd and lascivious behaviour.
The failure to distinguish between sexual violence and sexual rights stigmatises all sexual interactions and intimacies between adults, including consensual and respectful ones.
Sex and intimacy are cast as negative, degrading and indecent, something from which the good, decent Indian woman ought to be protected. The protectionism combines with a sex phobia that ensures sex remains in the closet. And any claims for sexual rights become bizarrely associated with something Western, decadent, hedonistic or deviant.
It is time for the media, educational institutions, and the political establishment to start treating the subject of sex and intimacy with more respect and maturity than has been the case thus far. Such a process would entail promoting a culture in the work place, educational institutions and civic society that promotes conversations around sexual rights, where sex and respect for sexual integrity and autonomy is regarded as a natural and healthy part of human relationships.
It is also incumbent on men to start holding men accountable for their behaviour towards women, and not because they are mothers, daughters, sisters or wives. Rather, such a move is necessary to de-stigmatise the Indian male whose gender credentials remain in tatters. It will also help to shift the focus away from a woman’s attire, her behaviour, marital status, or occupation, and ensure that consent and bodily integrity become the line along which sexual relationships and interactions are conducted. India will be independent only when Indian women’s independence and right to full subjectivity is guaranteed and genuinely respected.
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North-East exodus: Google, Facebook want govt to seek US help to share info on web pages with inflammatory content

  | New Delhi, August 22, 2012 | 07:51
A woman and her child rest after disembarking from a train from the southern Bangalore.
A woman and her child rest after disembarking from a train from the southern Bangalore.
The unprecedented cyber terrorism unleashed against people from the North-East triggered the biggest exodus within the country last week, but the big brothers of the World Wide Web have told the Indian government to dial Uncle Sam if it wants them to share information about the hate mongers.

Citing jurisdiction issues, Google, Twitter and Facebook have asked the government to route its request to share information on the web pages containing inflammatory content through the US government.
Rumours and morphed images circulated on these websites had fuelled a hate campaign against the North-Eastern people, triggering their panic run to their home states from various parts of India.

Proxy servers and Virtual Private Network services, which conceal the user identity operating from a number of countries, appear to have been used for uploading inciting posts and images. The government wants these sites to provide the registration details and access logs of the people who uploaded such content. Most of them were suspected to be from Pakistan.
"The government had sent a request to the social networking sites to remove the inflammatory content and had also sought information related to web accounts and activities to track down the groups involved in the hate campaign," a senior ministry of communication & information technology (IT) official told Mail Today.
"The websites have refused to comply on the grounds that they are not obliged to part with any such information as the details required are stored outside India. They have added that any such request for information and details about IP addresses which are outside India must be routed via the US government," the official said.
Google, which also controls YouTube and Blogspot.com, wants the government to approach it through the US government, with which India has a mutual legal assistance treaty.
"Google has informed that since it is governed by local laws in the US, it would be difficult for the company to co-operate directly with India. We are approaching the US government through an official request and letter rogatory to block web pages and also provide us the registration details and access logs of the persons who uploaded such content," a home ministry official said.
Their brazen refusal, as also the government's reluctance to take a tough stand on the matter, has surprised cyber law experts. "Going via the US channel is not a good idea. The government must take a tough stand as this is a serious matter of national security," cyber law expert Pawan Duggal said. "I think it is high time the government adopted the Chinese way in this regard. If these sites are operating in India and their content is directed towards the Indian audience, they must comply with the country's IT law. This is the standard practice across the world. They cannot get away by saying that they operate under the US law. Our IT law has provisions for punitive action in such cases."
North-East exodus: People at Bangalore station.

Google, on its part, issued a statement on Tuesday saying any content intended to incite violence was already prohibited on its sites, including YouTube videos. "We understand the gravity of the situation... and continue to work with relevant authorities," it said.
However, sources in the company added that the government's request to share information could not be immediately complied with. "We are ready to cooperate on removing such content, but what they are asking for are details of IP addresses and particulars of the users. As these are outside Indian jurisdiction, they have to route the request via the US government," a senior official in Google India said.
Twitter and Facebook were not available for comment.

North-East exodus: A woman with her child at a station in Chennai.
But Twitter is proving to be an equally tough nut to crack as the microblogging site has refused to block a number of web pages, as asked by the Union home ministry.
Ministry officials said out of the 310 web pages flagged by the government for carrying inflammatory content related to the Assam violence, only 207 have been effectively blocked so far. Twitter was "not very keen" to block 28 web pages which still carried content that could incite passions, they added. "The resistance being posed by Twitter is now being taken up with the website through a direction being issued again on Tuesday," a ministry official said.
A statement from the ministry of communications and IT said: "An intermediary social networking site has responded that the uploaders of the inflammatory content are outside the jurisdiction of the country, thereby implying that they are not obliged to take any constructive step to deal with it."
To build a solid case against Pakistan, the government is now banking on the US as well as Saudi Arabia and Egypt, from whose territories the servers seem to be have been used as proxies to upload inflammatory content to cause communal disharmony in India. "Three organisations in Pakistan - Jamait -e-Islami, Tehreeke-Insaaf and a private TV channel of Pakistan - are under the scanner for uploading such content. We need to establish the chain of such content being uploaded and the US has to help us out in a big way," the home ministry official said.
North-East exodusWhile the government might have to wait for US assistance to get the details sought, it has decided to crack the whip on the websites which have refused to remove inflammatory content. "We have got strict orders from the home ministry to block  all such sites. We have shortlisted 350 more such web pages which will be blocked for spreading hate messages," an IT ministry official said.
The move came a day after the government announced to block 254 web pages for posting inflammatory content.
The IT department had issued an advisory last week to all the intermediaries, including national and international websites, advising them to take necessary action on priority basis to disable inflammatory and hateful content hosted on their websites. But many of such "inflammatory" web pages have still not been blocked. 


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Published: August 24, 2012 09:57 IST | Updated: August 24, 2012 09:57 IST 

Women demand food security, better conditions

National Federation of Indian Women president Aruna Roy, general secretary Annie Raja (left) and vice-president Primla Loomba addressing the media in New Delhi on Thursday. Photo: V. Sudershan
The Hindu National Federation of Indian Women president Aruna Roy, general secretary Annie Raja (left) and vice-president Primla Loomba addressing the media in New Delhi on Thursday. Photo: V. Sudershan
Demanding food security, universalisation of the Public Distribution System (PDS) and expressing their concern over the increasing violence against women in the country, the National Federation of Indian Women (NFIW) on Thursday announced that it will hold two major national protests on September 18 and October 2 on the issues.
Explaining the decision, which was taken at the Federation’s recently concluded all-India conference held in Chennai, NFIW president Aruna Roy said: “We need to focus on the systematic rise in violence against women, including molestation, rape, witch hunt, moral policing and a whole range of structural social and economic oppression. There is also an urgent need to speak  of women’s rights not exclusive to, but in conjunction with other human and development rights.”
She added: “Even the representation of women in the media which is tied to the project of consumerism unleashed by the new economic policy is also an urgent issue that we will focus on. While the visibility of women in media is increasing, what is missing is empowerment. We need to link the two.”
She also questioned the efficacy of the National Commission for Women and said, “The Commission needs to reflect on its role and work on gender-based issues. There is an urgent need for some serious evaluation and thinking on what it is doing for women’s issues in India.”
NFIW working president Gargi Chakravarty said: “Violence against a woman starts even before she is born and continues through all the phases of her life. Even after 66 years of Independence and 60 years of Indian Parliamentary Democracy, it is a shame that victimisation of women in various horrific forms still continues throughout the country.”
Meanwhile, pointing to the rising levels of hunger and malnutrition especially among women and children in the country, NFIW general secretary Annie Raja said: “The United Progressive Alliance lacks political will and social commitment to bring a comprehensive and Universal Food Security Bill. The Bill which was tabled in Parliament or the reported “Plan-B” proposal cannot  ensure access and availability of food to the people. The NFIW has decided to intensify its campaign and struggles on these issues. As a part of this, it has been decided that September 18 -- World Food Day -- will be observed as a demand day and the slogan will be ‘Food Must Be Our Fundamental Right’ and it has to be guaranteed.”
She added: “On this day dharnas and picketing of the Central Government offices will be organised. This will be done from village to the National Capital.”
Ms. Raja noted that to protest against the uncontrolled and escalating violence against women, the NFIW will observe October 2 as a day to protest. She said, “The main slogan for this campaign is ‘Stop violence against women, ensure their safety and security’. On this day human chain in front of the Central and State Government offices will be organised. We also appeal to all organisations and movements who support our issues of struggle to join in both these agitations.”

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No DNA profiling facility to trace missing children

Gaurav Vivek Bhatnagar

Missing persons cell at Darya Ganj in Delhi.- Photo: V.V. Krishnan
Missing persons cell at Darya Ganj in Delhi.- Photo: V.V. Krishnan
India calls them its future. But as lakhs of children are kidnapped across the country each year, pushed into sex or organ trade or bonded labour, precious little is being done to find them and restore them to their parents.
For these children, in the meantime, it is living through the worst nightmare. Getting separated from one’s parents while going to a market and seeing only strange faces all around may be enough to drive any child to tears. But when it comes to these kidnapped children, this is just the beginning of one long ordeal.
At the other end, for the parents it is an even bigger horror; not getting to see the child they were bringing up with so much affection — and the constant fear of what he or she might be undergoing among strangers.
The Supreme Court recently asked the Centre and all the State governments to state what they have been doing to trace the 55,000 children who have officially gone missing in the past three years. It issued the notices on a petition, which had alleged that these children were kidnapped for the purpose of prostitution, bonded labour, removal of vital organs such as kidneys and eyes, bootlegging and smuggling.
Incidentally, on July 18, the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) had asked the Delhi government and the Delhi Police to submit a report on claims that at least 50 children went missing from the Capital in the first eight days of that month.
It had also asked them to inform whether the guidelines on missing children issued in August 2007 have been strictly followed.
The NHRC had in the wake of the Nithari kidnappings and murders of children in Noida, constituted a five-member committee, under member P.C. Sharma, which prepared an exhaustive report on the subject of missing children.
The idea behind the exercise was to “put an end to this callous indifference and insecurity with regard to the protection of children and to prevent more lives from being lost in similar crimes.”
The NHRC Action Research on Trafficking had earlier in 2005 stated that in any given year, on an average of 44,000 children are reported missing; and of them, as many as 11,000 remain untraced.
“The revelations at Nithari exemplify that missing children may end up in a variety of places and situations — killed and buried in a neighbour’s backyard, working as cheap forced labour in illegal factories/establishments/homes, exploited as sex slaves or forced into the child porn industry, as camel jockeys in Gulf countries, as child beggars in begging rackets, as victims of illegal adoptions or forced marriages, or perhaps worse than any of these as victims of organ trade and even grotesque cannibalism as reported at Nithari,” the report had stated.
The Committee had noted that “when a child goes missing, nobody, except the perpetrator, knows the real intent behind it.”
It had noted that “even a child who has run away on purpose is also susceptible to being kidnapped, abducted, abused or assaulted,” and observed that “this  raises the question as to why cases of missing children are not treated as cognisable offence.”
While acknowledging the role of various non-governmental organisations such as Childline, India’s first 24x7 toll-free tele-helpline which operates in over 73 cities and towns in India; Bal Sakha in Patna; and the National Centre for Missing Children in Madhya Pradesh that runs a website, 
missingindiankids.com, the Committee had observed that funding was a serious issue with these organisations.
The NHRC Committee had recommended that issue of “missing children” be made a “priority issue” by all stakeholders, especially the law enforcement agencies; that there be missing persons squad/desk in police stations and as per Supreme Court guidelines there be “prompt and effective steps for tracing missing children.”
It had also noted that as per the directions given by the Delhi High Court, a Cell relating to missing persons/children was set up in the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) but lamented that due to lack of adequate resources, it was not able to achieve desired results.
The NHRC had also noted that “since the CBI is a Central investigating agency having powers and jurisdiction to take up cases of inter-state and international ramifications, it would be  desirable to strengthen this Cell to enhance its capacity to coordinate and investigate criminal cases relating to missing children and persons.”
The need for such a Central repository has long been felt by those working towards recovery and rehabilitation of missing children. As Anuj Bhargava, a trustee of missingindiankids.com, which has been operating for over a decade from Bhopal and has helped in the recovery of six children thus far by putting up on its website information and photographs on missing children from across the country, said: “The need of the hour is a Central repository to collect, collate and analyse the data pertaining to missing children.”
Mr. Bhargava, who has attended several international conferences on the issue of missing children, said in India there was also a need to look at technology in detail to ensure speedy recovery of the missing children. He said DNA profiling could prove to be a handy tool in this field.
Incidentally, as per Interpol, “with the exception of identical twins, each person’s deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) is unique which makes DNA sampling useful for solving crimes, identifying victims of disasters and locating missing persons.”
The United States realised this about a decade and a half ago when in 1998, it established the national DNA database, known as the National DNA Index System. This system now has over 11 million searchable profiles and has aided close to 170,000 investigations.
As per the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), DNA databases have been particularly helpful to investigations that have been on for a long time and were no longer providing new leads.
The FBI has also been sharing its Combined DNA Index System (CODIS) technology with law enforcement agencies in other countries.
This system, as per the agency, blends forensic science and computer technology into an effective tool for solving violent crimes by allowing laboratories to store, compare, and match DNA records from offenders, crime scene evidence, unidentified human remains, and relatives of missing persons.

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“No one really looks for poor man’s missing child’’

Bindu Shajan Perappadan


  • Father Ashok Gupta and mother Lilawati with photograph of their missing son Sonu and (right) Ram Kewal and Rekha with son Vishal and photograph of their missing daughter Depali alias Pooja in Jahangirpuri in Delhi on Sunday.- Photos: Sushil Kumar Verma
    Father Ashok Gupta and mother Lilawati with photograph of their missing son Sonu and (right) Ram Kewal and Rekha with son Vishal and photograph of their missing daughter Depali alias Pooja in Jahangirpuri in Delhi on Sunday.- Photos: Sushil Kumar Verma
“The child of the poor who goes missing is just a number in the police record, it is only when a rich man’s child goes missing that the media, the police and the politicians really bother,’’ says Raj Kumar, who along with his wife continue to wait for the return of their eight-year-old daughter Kajol who went missing in April 2010 from in front of her house in Nangloi village.
The same month five other children, all under ten years of age, went missing from the same unauthorised colony.
“Some were picked up on their way from schools, others in the market place and a girl from the area never returned home from the nearby playground where she was last seen playing with her friends from the same locality.’’
After their child (Kajol) went missing Raj Kumar and his wife, who have four other children and sell second-hand clothes for a living, did the usual rounds of the police station, local leaders and even participated in a protest held by parents of missing children at Jantar Mantar organised by a non-government organisation some years ago.
“Sadly it all amounted to nothing. We have no news about our girl. Some say she might have been pushed into prostitution and it is a thought that does not allow us to sleep at night. I can’t remember the last time I saw my wife smile. The fear of what our child is undergoing does not let us rest. It feels like some body is choking us all the time,’’ says a tearful Raj Kumar.
Thirteen children go missing each day from the Capital, according to the Delhi Government’s reply to a Right to Information Report sought by non-government organisation Bachpan Bachao Andolan, working in the area of child rescue.
Deena Nath, who works in the area of child rescue with Bachpan Bachao Andolan, says: “Areas in Delhi which have unauthorised colonies, or where the concentration of migrant workers is high, report the maximum number of missing children. Though the police have become a lot more sensitive to the issue now and are prompt in registering a first information report, there is a lot that can be done in terms of follow-up action. ”
Rakesh Senger of Bachpan Bachao Andolan says: “Areas of Delhi including Jahangirpuri, Sangam Vihar, Mandalawi have seen the maximum number of children going missing in the past few years. These are areas where the migrant population from Bihra, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal is very high. People come in here because of the acute poverty that they face back home. They come to Delhi in the hope of a better living and even good education for their children. Once in the Capital they are forced to stay in slum clusters without any social security and their children immediately become vulnerable to crimes against them.’’
Former member of a Child Welfare Committee, Delhi, Mr. Raj Mangal Prasad says: “The parents are prompt to report a missing child, the police too plays role but it is the lack of co-ordination between the six Child Welfare Committees monitoring eleven districts in the Capital that fails these children. There is an urgent need to rectify this anomaly.’’
And it is probably this inability of the Government to act in time, apathy of the police and the lack of co-ordination between the vigilance and supporting agencies that has caused so much anguish to the parents of Sonu, who has been missing from the Jahangirpuri A-block area of Delhi for the past three years.
His mother Lilawati says: “My husband runs a small shop in the area. After our son went missing we did everything in our power to look for him. He was around 6-7 years old when he went missing. The police helped us in registering a case but after that nothing much has been heard from them. When we go to politicians they tell us that they have to worry about missing children across the country and that our case was just one of the many that comes to them. We now don’t know which agency to turn to for help. Sadly no one is really looking for a poor man’s missing child.’’
Same is the case with Depali who went missing from Jahangirpuri A-block two years ago. Depali’s father Ram Kewal, who works as a rickshaw-puller, says: “What can a poor man do. In case he goes looking for his child who is missing what he will earn for his family. I have three other children to look after and after running around for two years looking for my daughter I now we feel defeated. My poverty has forced me to abandon the search for my child. ’’
Delhi Women and Child Welfare Minister Kiran Walia says: “The problem of missing children is being taken up as a priority and we have been in talks with senior officials from Bihar, Jharkhand, West Bengal and Orissa to set up an instant police alert for trafficked girls. Children forced to work, sold in adoption rackets and pushed into prostitution are all areas of concern. The police have been made aware and sensitised about the problem. Our department has put up pictures of missing children on its website and we also post their pictures in newspapers. We are working in partnership with various organisations to rescue, identify and restore missing children. There is, of course, a need to be more alert and active.’’
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Identification poses major hurdle

Shubhomoy Sikdar
  

Identification of children after tracing them poses a major hurdle for the police and other investigating agencies in reuniting them with their families. This is because many visible features such as height, weight, eye colour and complexion change very rapidly during the growing years. Over a period of time many of these characteristics and even distinguishable features such as birthmark or tattoos, key to identification, change.
There is no provision in the Capital for collecting DNA samples from the family members of missing children who come to report. This may prove to be a more effective method according to experts compared to visible features or even collecting fingerprints for identification.
Delhi has a Missing Persons Squad which functions under the Crime Branch. The MPS works as a connecting link or a coordinating agency between the different police stations located in the 11 police districts of the Capital. Whenever an FIR is lodged regarding a missing person, the details are sent to the MPS. On the other hand, any information regarding any unidentified body or an unconscious person is also conveyed to the squad. Cases where a person is not able to tell his or her correct identity or address are also reported to the MPS.
The job of the MPS is to match the details thus obtained from the different police stations and in case the details of a missing person and the body/unidentified person match, it informs the Station Head Officer of the police station concerned. In cases where the details do not match, the MPS matches the details with the data or pictures available on the Zonal Integrated Police Network or ZIPNet whose one function is to share information on missing children and the children found. The information is uploaded on the Internet and is accessible to all users.
One major hurdle faced by the MPS is that it does not coordinate with investigating agencies in other States and thus misses out on information in case a child lost from Delhi is found there and the relatively smaller size of its staff. With few having access to computing devices and fewer to both computers and Internet, even in the event of a child being found, it becomes difficult to spread the information and detect its identity. One method traditionally adopted by the police and MPS is to show pictures of missing children on television (mainly Doordarshan) and describing other details such as physical attributes, the clothes worn by the child at the time he or she was last seen and the time period since the child has been missing.
This, however, has become obsolete according to some policemen as there are very few cases being reported on television and the fix schedules mean a greater lag between the time the child has gone missing and the time the information is announced.
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Instruction to sensitise police

Staff Reporter


Expressing grave concern over the rising incidents of missing children in different parts of the Capital, Delhi Women and Child Development Minister Prof. Kiran Walia held a meeting with senior officials of the WCD Department, the Child Welfare Committee and the Delhi Police this past week.
Ms. Walia said: “Missing children are traced by the police and produced before the CWC for their restoration. I have instructed Additional Police Commissioner Rajan Bhagat to sensitise police officers dealing with missing children and trafficking of girls and to give full support to the CWC officials in order to ensure greater efficiency. Also junior police officers who are directly interacting with the CWC officials on a day-to-day basis need to be more alert.’’
The Minister also stressed the need for inter-State coordination among the police and other agencies concerned to trace missing children and curb trafficking of minor girls. “There has to be greater co-ordinated efforts of officers of the States concerned,’’ she noted.

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Published: August 28, 2012 00:27 IST | Updated: August 28, 2012 00:40 IST

In a triumph of lies, a lesson for the mass media

Praveen Swami



The Hindu
If rumour is to be denied a key role in shaping India’s life, the mass media needs to regain its legitimacy as a source of credible information
For decades before Easter Tuesday in 1517, resentment had been festering among Londoners against the European merchants and artisans who had set up home in the city: English gold, a contemporary poem had it, was being stolen in return for “Apes and japes and marmusettes taylede.” That morning, the canon of church of St. Mary Spital kindled the hate in his pious congregation’s hearts. The newcomers, he said, “eat the bread from the poor fatherless children, and take the living from all the artificers, and the intercourse from all merchants.”
Through the next fortnight, there were sporadic attacks on the growing numbers of foreign artisans, merchants and financiers who lived in the city. Edward Hall, the contemporary chronicler, recorded the spread of rumours that “on May Day next, the city would rebel and slay all aliens.” Like so many prophecies, the rumours self-fulfilled. Over a thousand apprentices indeed attacked foreigners’ homes. No one was killed, though 13 rioters were later executed.
Five centuries on, the riots of 1517 offer a useful prism to reflect on perhaps the most intriguing national crisis of recent times; the exodus of tens of thousands of citizens from the North-East from southern India’s cities on a great tide of fear birthed on the internet.
For the most part, analysts have attributed the exodus to the state’s lack of credibility as a guarantor of security for a tiny, ethnically-distinct minority. The state, in turn, has blamed the malign influence of social media. These explanations are both true. There is a third question, though: precisely what was it that gave fantasies and rumours peddled through text messaging such power?
Part of the answer to that question could lie, as it did in 1517, in the absence of institutions that can mediate information in times of bewildering change: institutions which can distinguish the real from illusion; sift the credible from propaganda.
New media, old process
Early on the morning of September 1995, Hindus at a temple in Hong Kong claimed that an idol of the god Ganesh was drinking milk. News of the miracle spread with the rising sun — helped along by international direct dialling. By nightfall on September 21, millions of believers spilt perhaps hundreds of thousands of litres into gutters across the world. In a thoughtful commentary, the Economic & Political Weekly noted the Milk Miracle was located in the midst of a “recrudescence of medieval superstitious beliefs among the educated middle classes which, disillusioned with secular and democratic ideologies and bereft of any alternative and convincing programmes, are today seeking security and solace in miracles provided by religious charlatans.”
It might have added that the Milk Miracle also demonstrated that millions were turning away from the mass media, one of the key instruments of modernity, to word of mouth.
Though the speed with which such transmission now occurs is new, the phenomenon isn’t. The impact of the digital media hasn’t been quite as revolutionary as is claimed.
Back in 1963, the historian Ramachandra Guha has recorded that the disappearance of a venerated relic from the Kashmiri shrine of Hazratbal led to anti-Hindu violence in Bangladesh. In Kolkata, refugees from this violence soon sparked off anti-Muslim violence; 400 people were killed, 300 of them Muslim. In Rourkela and Jamshedpur, over 1,000 were killed — again mainly Muslim. It bears mention that in Kashmir itself, there was no such killing — a hotel and movie theatre owned by Chief Minister Bakshi Ghulam Muhammad were burned down along with the Kothi Bagh police station.
Long before the term was invented, rumour demonstrated the capacity to go viral — using all the tools at its disposal, ranging from word of mouth to print. Digital networks were just a new tool for an old process.
Why the lie won
From the information so far available, only the barest outlines of how informal digital media drove this month’s exodus are evident. This we know: in early April, graphic — sometimes fabricated — images of anti-Muslim violence in Myanmar and the North-East began to circulate on internet websites. The images fuelled anger among some young Muslims. In Mumbai and Allahabad, the targets were the police and the state. Bangalore and Pune witnessed brawls with North-East migrants, often linked to pre-existing disputes over the consumption of pork and the use of alcohol. Mysore saw a stabbing, though its causes remain unknown. There have been dark suggestions of a jihadist plot — but intelligence analysts in Delhi who are wading through 50 million text messages and thousands of web pages say there is no clear pattern that suggests their genesis was linked to a single author.
None of this, in itself, might have caused flight: thousands of women from the North-East, after all, remain in New Delhi despite frequent, brutal sexual assault cases. However, text messages then began circulating warning of a pogrom; others urging flight because of imaginary atrocities. Families in the North-East began telling their loved ones to come home.
How did fictions succeed in persuading so many of their accuracy? Part of the answer might be that North-East migrant communities in Bangalore, like so many diasporas, were marginal to the media discourse around them — turning instead to the internet and word of mouth for information. It is also possible, though, that the mainstream media was simply seen as a source of spectacle, not credible representations of the real world which could inform decision making. India’s mass media, with a handful of honourable exceptions, has steadily diminished the space and resources it allots to reportage.
For Indians, this ought to be a matter of serious concern. Informal digital information networks are becoming increasingly available to peoples with at best limited engagement with mass media or other institutions of critical thought. This means the cultural tools to determine precisely what information is credible and what is propaganda — no easy task even in the most sophisticated media cultures — simply do not exist.
India’s ongoing effort to crack down on social media is likely to have all the success of the ancient Persian Emperor Xerxes’ whipping of the waves to tame the unruly god of the sea. If rumour is to be stopped from shaping the country’s future, the mass media needs to engage in some serious introspection. 
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Published: August 18, 2012 01:17 IST | Updated: August 18, 2012 04:16 IST 

No country for young women

Ratna Kapur

In a poll of 370 gender experts on how well women fared in G20 countries, India was ranked the worst country to be a woman. File Photo: Arunangsu Roy Chowdhury
The Hindu In a poll of 370 gender experts on how well women fared in G20 countries, India was ranked  the worst country to be a woman. File Photo: Arunangsu Roy Chowdhury
The bogey of ‘Indian cultural values’ has stifled conversation on women’s sexual rights
The startling murder of Pallavi Purkayastha, a 25-year-old legal professional, at her central Mumbai apartment on August 9 by the security guard of her building is another reminder of the abysmal levels of violence experienced by Indian women 66 years after Independence.
Pallavi appears to have been murdered while resisting the guard’s efforts to rape her. While a number of laws have been enacted over the course of the past few decades to address sexual violence against women, the fact is that women continue to be subjected to levels of violence that should shock the conscience of a country that has entered the 21st century and makes bold claims to be a new superpower.
In a poll of 370 gender experts on how well women fared in G20 countries (g20women.trust.org.), India was ranked the worst country to be a woman while Canada was the best. Saudi Arabia ranked second worst. While such polls are invariably limited in terms of bias — who counts as an expert as well as how statistics may be compiled — it does not detract from the fact that there is a serious need to examine why such extreme levels of violence against women continue to be tolerated. In a country that claims to traditionally revere its women, why do the perpetrators of violence against women seem to enjoy levels of impunity not entertained in other liberal democracies? Part of the answer rests in how women continue to be denied subjectivity and are infantilised as well as the bogey of Indian cultural values, which are nothing more than Victorian sexual mores in drag.
In response to Pallavi’s murder, the National Commission for Women appealed to Maharashtra Home Minister R.R. Patil to initiate steps to ensure the safety of women. The measures proposed included background checks of security guards, installation of CCTV cameras, intercoms, and security audits by cooperative housing societies in consultation with the local police. While these measures, if implemented, may provide a sense of better security, increase in surveillance techniques and strengthening of the security apparatus do little to address the disregard for women’s humanity in our society.
And such measures are often combined with an intensification of the moral surveillance of women’s lives, exemplified in the recent remarks of the Chairperson of the NCW that the violence was partly due to women blindly aping the West in terms of dress sense which was “eroding our culture and causing such crimes to happen”.
While such perceptions are not new and have been expressed from time to time by politicians as well as senior police officials across the country, they are based on two false assumptions: that violence against a woman is the woman’s responsibility, and secondly, that Indians are not able to accommodate a woman’s right to bodily integrity and sexual autonomy.
While laws continue to be enacted ostensibly for the benefit of women, invariably, these laws focus on sexual wrongs rather than women’s sexual rights. Violence and a conservative sexual morality combine to treat women as subjects who need to be protected from sex, as vulnerable and incapable of informed consent around issues of sexual intimacy or to defend themselves. They also tend to produce an extremely unflattering portrayal of all Indian men as sexual predators. To only focus on sexual wrongs, where everyone from the media to the politician project themselves as experts, is to constantly erode the  space for healthy conversations on sexual rights and the promotion of healthy human relationships. Even in universities, where the new Indian woman is claiming her space in India’s modernisation project, her freedom is curtailed by highly paternalistic and deeply problematic administrative rules that prohibit “public displays of affection” and penalise such displays together with obscene, lewd and lascivious behaviour.
The failure to distinguish between sexual violence and sexual rights stigmatises all sexual interactions and intimacies between adults, including consensual and respectful ones.
Sex and intimacy are cast as negative, degrading and indecent, something from which the good, decent Indian woman ought to be protected. The protectionism combines with a sex phobia that ensures sex remains in the closet. And any claims for sexual rights become bizarrely associated with something Western, decadent, hedonistic or deviant.
It is time for the media, educational institutions, and the political establishment to start treating the subject of sex and intimacy with more respect and maturity than has been the case thus far. Such a process would entail promoting a culture in the work place, educational institutions and civic society that promotes conversations around sexual rights, where sex and respect for sexual integrity and autonomy is regarded as a natural and healthy part of human relationships.
It is also incumbent on men to start holding men accountable for their behaviour towards women, and not because they are mothers, daughters, sisters or wives. Rather, such a move is necessary to de-stigmatise the Indian male whose gender credentials remain in tatters. It will also help to shift the focus away from a woman’s attire, her behaviour, marital status, or occupation, and ensure that consent and bodily integrity become the line along which sexual relationships and interactions are conducted. India will be independent only when Indian women’s independence and right to full subjectivity is guaranteed and genuinely respected.
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North-East exodus: Google, Facebook want govt to seek US help to share info on web pages with inflammatory content

  | New Delhi, August 22, 2012 | 07:51
A woman and her child rest after disembarking from a train from the southern Bangalore.
A woman and her child rest after disembarking from a train from the southern Bangalore.
The unprecedented cyber terrorism unleashed against people from the North-East triggered the biggest exodus within the country last week, but the big brothers of the World Wide Web have told the Indian government to dial Uncle Sam if it wants them to share information about the hate mongers.

Citing jurisdiction issues, Google, Twitter and Facebook have asked the government to route its request to share information on the web pages containing inflammatory content through the US government.
Rumours and morphed images circulated on these websites had fuelled a hate campaign against the North-Eastern people, triggering their panic run to their home states from various parts of India.

Proxy servers and Virtual Private Network services, which conceal the user identity operating from a number of countries, appear to have been used for uploading inciting posts and images. The government wants these sites to provide the registration details and access logs of the people who uploaded such content. Most of them were suspected to be from Pakistan.
"The government had sent a request to the social networking sites to remove the inflammatory content and had also sought information related to web accounts and activities to track down the groups involved in the hate campaign," a senior ministry of communication & information technology (IT) official told Mail Today.
"The websites have refused to comply on the grounds that they are not obliged to part with any such information as the details required are stored outside India. They have added that any such request for information and details about IP addresses which are outside India must be routed via the US government," the official said.
Google, which also controls YouTube and Blogspot.com, wants the government to approach it through the US government, with which India has a mutual legal assistance treaty.
"Google has informed that since it is governed by local laws in the US, it would be difficult for the company to co-operate directly with India. We are approaching the US government through an official request and letter rogatory to block web pages and also provide us the registration details and access logs of the persons who uploaded such content," a home ministry official said.
Their brazen refusal, as also the government's reluctance to take a tough stand on the matter, has surprised cyber law experts. "Going via the US channel is not a good idea. The government must take a tough stand as this is a serious matter of national security," cyber law expert Pawan Duggal said. "I think it is high time the government adopted the Chinese way in this regard. If these sites are operating in India and their content is directed towards the Indian audience, they must comply with the country's IT law. This is the standard practice across the world. They cannot get away by saying that they operate under the US law. Our IT law has provisions for punitive action in such cases."
North-East exodus: People at Bangalore station.

Google, on its part, issued a statement on Tuesday saying any content intended to incite violence was already prohibited on its sites, including YouTube videos. "We understand the gravity of the situation... and continue to work with relevant authorities," it said.
However, sources in the company added that the government's request to share information could not be immediately complied with. "We are ready to cooperate on removing such content, but what they are asking for are details of IP addresses and particulars of the users. As these are outside Indian jurisdiction, they have to route the request via the US government," a senior official in Google India said.
Twitter and Facebook were not available for comment.

North-East exodus: A woman with her child at a station in Chennai.
But Twitter is proving to be an equally tough nut to crack as the microblogging site has refused to block a number of web pages, as asked by the Union home ministry.
Ministry officials said out of the 310 web pages flagged by the government for carrying inflammatory content related to the Assam violence, only 207 have been effectively blocked so far. Twitter was "not very keen" to block 28 web pages which still carried content that could incite passions, they added. "The resistance being posed by Twitter is now being taken up with the website through a direction being issued again on Tuesday," a ministry official said.
A statement from the ministry of communications and IT said: "An intermediary social networking site has responded that the uploaders of the inflammatory content are outside the jurisdiction of the country, thereby implying that they are not obliged to take any constructive step to deal with it."
To build a solid case against Pakistan, the government is now banking on the US as well as Saudi Arabia and Egypt, from whose territories the servers seem to be have been used as proxies to upload inflammatory content to cause communal disharmony in India. "Three organisations in Pakistan - Jamait -e-Islami, Tehreeke-Insaaf and a private TV channel of Pakistan - are under the scanner for uploading such content. We need to establish the chain of such content being uploaded and the US has to help us out in a big way," the home ministry official said.
North-East exodusWhile the government might have to wait for US assistance to get the details sought, it has decided to crack the whip on the websites which have refused to remove inflammatory content. "We have got strict orders from the home ministry to block  all such sites. We have shortlisted 350 more such web pages which will be blocked for spreading hate messages," an IT ministry official said.
The move came a day after the government announced to block 254 web pages for posting inflammatory content.
The IT department had issued an advisory last week to all the intermediaries, including national and international websites, advising them to take necessary action on priority basis to disable inflammatory and hateful content hosted on their websites. But many of such "inflammatory" web pages have still not been blocked. 


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Published: August 24, 2012 09:57 IST | Updated: August 24, 2012 09:57 IST 

Women demand food security, better conditions

National Federation of Indian Women president Aruna Roy, general secretary Annie Raja (left) and vice-president Primla Loomba addressing the media in New Delhi on Thursday. Photo: V. Sudershan
The Hindu National Federation of Indian Women president Aruna Roy, general secretary Annie Raja (left) and vice-president Primla Loomba addressing the media in New Delhi on Thursday. Photo: V. Sudershan
Demanding food security, universalisation of the Public Distribution System (PDS) and expressing their concern over the increasing violence against women in the country, the National Federation of Indian Women (NFIW) on Thursday announced that it will hold two major national protests on September 18 and October 2 on the issues.
Explaining the decision, which was taken at the Federation’s recently concluded all-India conference held in Chennai, NFIW president Aruna Roy said: “We need to focus on the systematic rise in violence against women, including molestation, rape, witch hunt, moral policing and a whole range of structural social and economic oppression. There is also an urgent need to speak  of women’s rights not exclusive to, but in conjunction with other human and development rights.”
She added: “Even the representation of women in the media which is tied to the project of consumerism unleashed by the new economic policy is also an urgent issue that we will focus on. While the visibility of women in media is increasing, what is missing is empowerment. We need to link the two.”
She also questioned the efficacy of the National Commission for Women and said, “The Commission needs to reflect on its role and work on gender-based issues. There is an urgent need for some serious evaluation and thinking on what it is doing for women’s issues in India.”
NFIW working president Gargi Chakravarty said: “Violence against a woman starts even before she is born and continues through all the phases of her life. Even after 66 years of Independence and 60 years of Indian Parliamentary Democracy, it is a shame that victimisation of women in various horrific forms still continues throughout the country.”
Meanwhile, pointing to the rising levels of hunger and malnutrition especially among women and children in the country, NFIW general secretary Annie Raja said: “The United Progressive Alliance lacks political will and social commitment to bring a comprehensive and Universal Food Security Bill. The Bill which was tabled in Parliament or the reported “Plan-B” proposal cannot  ensure access and availability of food to the people. The NFIW has decided to intensify its campaign and struggles on these issues. As a part of this, it has been decided that September 18 -- World Food Day -- will be observed as a demand day and the slogan will be ‘Food Must Be Our Fundamental Right’ and it has to be guaranteed.”
She added: “On this day dharnas and picketing of the Central Government offices will be organised. This will be done from village to the National Capital.”
Ms. Raja noted that to protest against the uncontrolled and escalating violence against women, the NFIW will observe October 2 as a day to protest. She said, “The main slogan for this campaign is ‘Stop violence against women, ensure their safety and security’. On this day human chain in front of the Central and State Government offices will be organised. We also appeal to all organisations and movements who support our issues of struggle to join in both these agitations.”

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Published: August 26, 2012 23:59 IST | Updated: August 26, 2012 23:59 IST 

No central repository, DNA profiling facility to trace missing children

Gaurav Vivek Bhatnagar
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India calls them its future. But as lakhs of children are kidnapped across the country each year, pushed into sex or organ trade or bonded labour, precious little is being done to find and restore them to their parents.
For these children, it is living through the worst nightmare. Getting lost in markets and seeing strange faces all around may put a child in utter agony. But for a kidnapped child, this is just the beginning of a long ordeal.
At the other end, for the parents it is an even bigger horror; not getting to see the child they were bringing up with so much affection — and the constant fear of what he or she might be undergoing among strangers.
The Supreme Court recently asked the Centre and all the State governments to state what they have been doing to trace the 55,000 children who, officially, have gone missing in the past three years. It issued notice on a petition, which alleged that these children were kidnapped for the purpose of prostitution, bonded labour, removal of vital organs such as kidneys and eyes, bootlegging and smuggling.
Incidentally, on July 18, the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) asked the Delhi government and police to submit a report on claims that at least 50 children went missing from the Capital in the first eight days of that month.
It also asked them to inform whether the guidelines on missing children issued in August 2007 were strictly followed.
The NHRC had, in the wake of the Nithari kidnappings and murders of children in Noida, constituted a five-member committee under member P.C. Sharma, which prepared an exhaustive report on missing children.
“Callous indifference”
The idea behind the exercise was to “put an end to this callous indifference and insecurity with regard to the protection of children and to prevent more lives from being lost in similar crimes.”
In 2005, the NHRC Action Research on Trafficking stated that in any given year, on an average of 44,000 children are reported missing; and of them, as many as 11,000 remain untraced.
Nithari incident
“The revelations at Nithari exemplify that missing children may end up in a variety of places and situations — killed and buried in a neighbour’s backyard, working as cheap forced labour in illegal factories/establishments/homes, exploited as sex slaves or forced into the child porn industry, as camel jockeys in the Gulf countries, as child beggars in begging rackets, as victims of illegal adoptions or forced marriages, or perhaps worse than any of these as victims of organ trade and even grotesque cannibalism as reported at Nithari,” the report said.
The committee noted that “when a child goes missing, nobody, except the perpetrator, knows the real intent behind it.”
It noted that “even a child who has run away on purpose is also susceptible to being kidnapped, abducted, abused or assaulted, raising the question as to why reports of missing children are not treated as cognisable offence.”
NGOs’ role
While acknowledging the role of various non-governmental organisations such as Childline, India’s first 24x7 toll-free tele-helpline  which operates in over 73 cities and towns; Bal Sakha in Patna; and the National Centre for Missing Children in Madhya Pradesh that runs website missingindiankids. com, the committee observed that funding was a serious issue with these organisations.
The committee recommended that the issue of “missing children” be made a “priority issue” by all stakeholders, especially the law enforcement agencies; that there be missing persons squad/desk in police stations and as per Supreme Court guidelines there be “prompt and effective steps for tracing missing children.”
Scarce resources
It noted that as per the directions of the Delhi High Court, a cell relating to missing persons/children was set up in the Central Bureau of Investigation but lamented that due to lack of adequate resources, it was not able to achieve the desired results.
“Since the CBI is a central investigating agency, having powers and jurisdiction to take up cases of inter-state and international ramifications, it would be desirable to strengthen this cell to enhance its capacity to coordinate and investigate criminal cases relating to missing children and persons,” it said.
Need for a central repository has long been felt by those working towards recovery and rehabilitation of missing children. Anuj Bhargava, a trustee of missingindiankids.com, which has been operating for over a decade from Bhopal and has helped in the recovery of six children by putting up on its website information and photographs on missing children from across the country, said: “The need of the hour is a central repository to collect, collate and analyse the data pertaining to missing children.”
Looking to technology
Mr. Bhargava, who has attended several international conferences on missing children, said in India there was need to look at technology in detail to ensure speedy recovery of missing children. DNA profiling could prove to be a handy tool in this field.
Incidentally, as per Interpol, “with the exception of identical twins, each person’s deoxyribonucleic acid (DNA) is unique, which makes DNA sampling useful for solving crimes, identifying victims of disasters and locating missing persons.”
The United States realised this about a decade-and-half ago. In 1998, it established a national DNA database known as the National DNA Index System. This system now has over 11 million searchable profiles and has aided close to 1,70,000 investigations.
As per the Federal Bureau of Investigation, DNA databases have been particularly helpful to investigations that have been on for a long time and were no longer providing new leads.
The FBI has also been sharing its Combined DNA Index System (CODIS) technology with law enforcement agencies in other countries.
This system, as per the agency, blends forensic science and computer technology into an effective tool for solving violent crimes by allowing laboratories to store, compare, and match DNA records from offenders, crime scene evidence, unidentified human remains, and relatives of missing persons. 

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“No one really looks for poor man’s missing child’’

Bindu Shajan Perappadan


  • Father Ashok Gupta and mother Lilawati with photograph of their missing son Sonu and (right) Ram Kewal and Rekha with son Vishal and photograph of their missing daughter Depali alias Pooja in Jahangirpuri in Delhi on Sunday.- Photos: Sushil Kumar Verma
    Father Ashok Gupta and mother Lilawati with photograph of their missing son Sonu and (right) Ram Kewal and Rekha with son Vishal and photograph of their missing daughter Depali alias Pooja in Jahangirpuri in Delhi on Sunday.- Photos: Sushil Kumar Verma
“The child of the poor who goes missing is just a number in the police record, it is only when a rich man’s child goes missing that the media, the police and the politicians really bother,’’ says Raj Kumar, who along with his wife continue to wait for the return of their eight-year-old daughter Kajol who went missing in April 2010 from in front of her house in Nangloi village.
The same month five other children, all under ten years of age, went missing from the same unauthorised colony.
“Some were picked up on their way from schools, others in the market place and a girl from the area never returned home from the nearby playground where she was last seen playing with her friends from the same locality.’’
After their child (Kajol) went missing Raj Kumar and his wife, who have four other children and sell second-hand clothes for a living, did the usual rounds of the police station, local leaders and even participated in a protest held by parents of missing children at Jantar Mantar organised by a non-government organisation some years ago.
“Sadly it all amounted to nothing. We have no news about our girl. Some say she might have been pushed into prostitution and it is a thought that does not allow us to sleep at night. I can’t remember the last time I saw my wife smile. The fear of what our child is undergoing does not let us rest. It feels like some body is choking us all the time,’’ says a tearful Raj Kumar.
Thirteen children go missing each day from the Capital, according to the Delhi Government’s reply to a Right to Information Report sought by non-government organisation Bachpan Bachao Andolan, working in the area of child rescue.
Deena Nath, who works in the area of child rescue with Bachpan Bachao Andolan, says: “Areas in Delhi which have unauthorised colonies, or where the concentration of migrant workers is high, report the maximum number of missing children. Though the police have become a lot more sensitive to the issue now and are prompt in registering a first information report, there is a lot that can be done in terms of follow-up action. ”
Rakesh Senger of Bachpan Bachao Andolan says: “Areas of Delhi including Jahangirpuri, Sangam Vihar, Mandalawi have seen the maximum number of children going missing in the past few years. These are areas where the migrant population from Bihra, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal is very high. People come in here because of the acute poverty that they face back home. They come to Delhi in the hope of a better living and even good education for their children. Once in the Capital they are forced to stay in slum clusters without any social security and their children immediately become vulnerable to crimes against them.’’
Former member of a Child Welfare Committee, Delhi, Mr. Raj Mangal Prasad says: “The parents are prompt to report a missing child, the police too plays role but it is the lack of co-ordination between the six Child Welfare Committees monitoring eleven districts in the Capital that fails these children. There is an urgent need to rectify this anomaly.’’
And it is probably this inability of the Government to act in time, apathy of the police and the lack of co-ordination between the vigilance and supporting agencies that has caused so much anguish to the parents of Sonu, who has been missing from the Jahangirpuri A-block area of Delhi for the past three years.
His mother Lilawati says: “My husband runs a small shop in the area. After our son went missing we did everything in our power to look for him. He was around 6-7 years old when he went missing. The police helped us in registering a case but after that nothing much has been heard from them. When we go to politicians they tell us that they have to worry about missing children across the country and that our case was just one of the many that comes to them. We now don’t know which agency to turn to for help. Sadly no one is really looking for a poor man’s missing child.’’
Same is the case with Depali who went missing from Jahangirpuri A-block two years ago. Depali’s father Ram Kewal, who works as a rickshaw-puller, says: “What can a poor man do. In case he goes looking for his child who is missing what he will earn for his family. I have three other children to look after and after running around for two years looking for my daughter I now we feel defeated. My poverty has forced me to abandon the search for my child. ’’
Delhi Women and Child Welfare Minister Kiran Walia says: “The problem of missing children is being taken up as a priority and we have been in talks with senior officials from Bihar, Jharkhand, West Bengal and Orissa to set up an instant police alert for trafficked girls. Children forced to work, sold in adoption rackets and pushed into prostitution are all areas of concern. The police have been made aware and sensitised about the problem. Our department has put up pictures of missing children on its website and we also post their pictures in newspapers. We are working in partnership with various organisations to rescue, identify and restore missing children. There is, of course, a need to be more alert and active.’’
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Identification poses major hurdle

Shubhomoy Sikdar
  

Identification of children after tracing them poses a major hurdle for the police and other investigating agencies in reuniting them with their families. This is because many visible features such as height, weight, eye colour and complexion change very rapidly during the growing years. Over a period of time many of these characteristics and even distinguishable features such as birthmark or tattoos, key to identification, change.
There is no provision in the Capital for collecting DNA samples from the family members of missing children who come to report. This may prove to be a more effective method according to experts compared to visible features or even collecting fingerprints for identification.
Delhi has a Missing Persons Squad which functions under the Crime Branch. The MPS works as a connecting link or a coordinating agency between the different police stations located in the 11 police districts of the Capital. Whenever an FIR is lodged regarding a missing person, the details are sent to the MPS. On the other hand, any information regarding any unidentified body or an unconscious person is also conveyed to the squad. Cases where a person is not able to tell his or her correct identity or address are also reported to the MPS.
The job of the MPS is to match the details thus obtained from the different police stations and in case the details of a missing person and the body/unidentified person match, it informs the Station Head Officer of the police station concerned. In cases where the details do not match, the MPS matches the details with the data or pictures available on the Zonal Integrated Police Network or ZIPNet whose one function is to share information on missing children and the children found. The information is uploaded on the Internet and is accessible to all users.
One major hurdle faced by the MPS is that it does not coordinate with investigating agencies in other States and thus misses out on information in case a child lost from Delhi is found there and the relatively smaller size of its staff. With few having access to computing devices and fewer to both computers and Internet, even in the event of a child being found, it becomes difficult to spread the information and detect its identity. One method traditionally adopted by the police and MPS is to show pictures of missing children on television (mainly Doordarshan) and describing other details such as physical attributes, the clothes worn by the child at the time he or she was last seen and the time period since the child has been missing.
This, however, has become obsolete according to some policemen as there are very few cases being reported on television and the fix schedules mean a greater lag between the time the child has gone missing and the time the information is announced.
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Published: August 27, 2012 00:00 IST | Updated: August 27, 2012 04:59 IST NEW DELHI, August 27, 2012

Instruction to sensitise police

Staff Reporter


Expressing grave concern over the rising incidents of missing children in different parts of the Capital, Delhi Women and Child Development Minister Prof. Kiran Walia held a meeting with senior officials of the WCD Department, the Child Welfare Committee and the Delhi Police this past week.
Ms. Walia said: “Missing children are traced by the police and produced before the CWC for their restoration. I have instructed Additional Police Commissioner Rajan Bhagat to sensitise police officers dealing with missing children and trafficking of girls and to give full support to the CWC officials in order to ensure greater efficiency. Also junior police officers who are directly interacting with the CWC officials on a day-to-day basis need to be more alert.’’
The Minister also stressed the need for inter-State coordination among the police and other agencies concerned to trace missing children and curb trafficking of minor girls. “There has to be greater co-ordinated efforts of officers of the States concerned,’’ she noted.

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http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/article3828591.ece?css=print



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Published: August 28, 2012 00:27 IST | Updated: August 28, 2012 00:40 IST 

In a triumph of lies, a lesson for the mass media

Praveen Swami



The Hindu
If rumour is to be denied a key role in shaping India’s life, the mass media needs to regain its legitimacy as a source of credible information
For decades before Easter Tuesday in 1517, resentment had been festering among Londoners against the European merchants and artisans who had set up home in the city: English gold, a contemporary poem had it, was being stolen in return for “Apes and japes and marmusettes taylede.” That morning, the canon of church of St. Mary Spital kindled the hate in his pious congregation’s hearts. The newcomers, he said, “eat the bread from the poor fatherless children, and take the living from all the artificers, and the intercourse from all merchants.”
Through the next fortnight, there were sporadic attacks on the growing numbers of foreign artisans, merchants and financiers who lived in the city. Edward Hall, the contemporary chronicler, recorded the spread of rumours that “on May Day next, the city would rebel and slay all aliens.” Like so many prophecies, the rumours self-fulfilled. Over a thousand apprentices indeed attacked foreigners’ homes. No one was killed, though 13 rioters were later executed.
Five centuries on, the riots of 1517 offer a useful prism to reflect on perhaps the most intriguing national crisis of recent times; the exodus of tens of thousands of citizens from the North-East from southern India’s cities on a great tide of fear birthed on the internet.
For the most part, analysts have attributed the exodus to the state’s lack of credibility as a guarantor of security for a tiny, ethnically-distinct minority. The state, in turn, has blamed the malign influence of social media. These explanations are both true. There is a third question, though: precisely what was it that gave fantasies and rumours peddled through text messaging such power?
Part of the answer to that question could lie, as it did in 1517, in the absence of institutions that can mediate information in times of bewildering change: institutions which can distinguish the real from illusion; sift the credible from propaganda.
New media, old process
Early on the morning of September 1995, Hindus at a temple in Hong Kong claimed that an idol of the god Ganesh was drinking milk. News of the miracle spread with the rising sun — helped along by international direct dialling. By nightfall on September 21, millions of believers spilt perhaps hundreds of thousands of litres into gutters across the world. In a thoughtful commentary, the Economic & Political Weekly noted the Milk Miracle was located in the midst of a “recrudescence of medieval superstitious beliefs among the educated middle classes which, disillusioned with secular and democratic ideologies and bereft of any alternative and convincing programmes, are today seeking security and solace in miracles provided by religious charlatans.”
It might have added that the Milk Miracle also demonstrated that millions were turning away from the mass media, one of the key instruments of modernity, to word of mouth.
Though the speed with which such transmission now occurs is new, the phenomenon isn’t. The impact of the digital media hasn’t been quite as revolutionary as is claimed.
Back in 1963, the historian Ramachandra Guha has recorded that the disappearance of a venerated relic from the Kashmiri shrine of Hazratbal led to anti-Hindu violence in Bangladesh. In Kolkata, refugees from this violence soon sparked off anti-Muslim violence; 400 people were killed, 300 of them Muslim. In Rourkela and Jamshedpur, over 1,000 were killed — again mainly Muslim. It bears mention that in Kashmir itself, there was no such killing — a hotel and movie theatre owned by Chief Minister Bakshi Ghulam Muhammad were burned down along with the Kothi Bagh police station.
Long before the term was invented, rumour demonstrated the capacity to go viral — using all the tools at its disposal, ranging from word of mouth to print. Digital networks were just a new tool for an old process.
Why the lie won
From the information so far available, only the barest outlines of how informal digital media drove this month’s exodus are evident. This we know: in early April, graphic — sometimes fabricated — images of anti-Muslim violence in Myanmar and the North-East began to circulate on internet websites. The images fuelled anger among some young Muslims. In Mumbai and Allahabad, the targets were the police and the state. Bangalore and Pune witnessed brawls with North-East migrants, often linked to pre-existing disputes over the consumption of pork and the use of alcohol. Mysore saw a stabbing, though its causes remain unknown. There have been dark suggestions of a jihadist plot — but intelligence analysts in Delhi who are wading through 50 million text messages and thousands of web pages say there is no clear pattern that suggests their genesis was linked to a single author.
None of this, in itself, might have caused flight: thousands of women from the North-East, after all, remain in New Delhi despite frequent, brutal sexual assault cases. However, text messages then began circulating warning of a pogrom; others urging flight because of imaginary atrocities. Families in the North-East began telling their loved ones to come home.
How did fictions succeed in persuading so many of their accuracy? Part of the answer might be that North-East migrant communities in Bangalore, like so many diasporas, were marginal to the media discourse around them —  turning instead to the internet and word of mouth for information. It is also possible, though, that the mainstream media was simply seen as a source of spectacle, not credible representations of the real world which could inform  decision making. India’s mass media, with a handful of honourable exceptions, has steadily diminished the space and resources it allots to reportage.
For Indians, this ought to be a matter of serious concern. Informal digital information networks are becoming increasingly available to peoples with at best limited engagement with mass media or other institutions of critical thought. This means the cultural tools to determine precisely what information is credible and what is propaganda — no easy task even in the most sophisticated media cultures — simply do not exist.
India’s ongoing effort to crack down on social media is likely to have all the success of the ancient Persian Emperor Xerxes’ whipping of the waves to tame the unruly god of the sea. If rumour is to be stopped from shaping the country’s future, the mass media needs to engage in some serious introspection. 
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India’s north-east

A neglected crisis

Violence in distant Assam boils over in the rest of the country






ON JULY 6th, a month after an altercation at a mosque in a region run by (non-Muslim) tribesmen in north-east India, four men on motorcycles shot and killed two Muslims. Six weeks later, some 80 people have been killed in communal bloodletting; the army has been sent into Assam with orders to shoot to kill; tens of thousands of north-easterners in other parts of India have fled homeward in fear of their lives; India has accused Pakistanis of being the origin of doctored video messages designed to stir up religious hatred; and 400,000-500,000 Indians are homeless or displaced within Assam, the largest involuntary movement of people inside the country since independence. How on earth did a local conflict, one of many in the area, produce such devastating nationwide consequences?
The spark for the extraordinary sequence of events was a fight in western Assam between indigenous Bodo tribesmen (pronounced Boro) and Bengali-speakers who have been moving into the area for more than a century. The Bodo say the incomers are illegal immigrants from Bangladesh and want them to be kicked out.
The migrants are mostly Muslim. The Bodo are animist or Christian. Muslims have grown modestly as a share of Assam’s population (from 24% to 31% in the three decades to 2001). No surge explains the latest violence, although the Muslim population of western Assam is growing faster. In some villages the Bodo are now a minority. They say they feel swamped by Muslim immigrants.
However, the conflict is not primarily about religion. It is about land. The Bodo hold land in common. The Bengali-speakers are settled farmers, anxious to establish private-property rights as protection against dispossession. In 2003, after a long, violent campaign for autonomy, the Bodo got their own Bodo Territorial Council, on whose turf outsiders may not own property. The Bodo consider all Muslims outsiders—hence the dispute at the mosque.
Assam’s conflict has been going on for decades. A massacre in 1983 was far more brutal than this year’s violence. Yet until now the dispute, like other insurgencies of the north-east, has had no real impact elsewhere in the country.


This time, there were riots in Mumbai and attacks in nearby Pune on people from Manipur. Some 30,000 north-easterners fled from Bangalore, nine of them being thrown off a moving train. Some authorities encouraged the exodus by laying on special trains: 30,000 tickets to Guwahati, Assam’s capital, were sold in three days.
The impact of mobile phones has made a difference. On August 12th people started getting text messages warning north-easterners to go home before the end of Ramadan (August 20th). They also got video messages with doctored images purporting to show the bodies of Muslims killed in Assam. In fact these were victims of Cyclone Nargis in 2008 in Myanmar.
India’s home minister, Sushil Kumar Shinde, said that many of the fake images came from websites in Pakistan and asked for the Pakistani government’s help in closing them down. Pakistan denied involvement. India ordered the blocking of over 250 websites and asked mobile-service providers to restrict the number of SMS messages. Yet the images have gone viral.
The Assam conflict also spread because people elsewhere sought to capitalise on it. Mumbai saw rival protests by a big Muslim organisation, the Raza Academy, then a big Hindu one, the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena. The opposition (Hindu-nationalist) Bharatiya Janata Party said Assam’s problem is illegal immigration from Bangladesh. Assam is ruled by the Congress party. Its chief minister, Tarun Gogoi, said bluntly “there are no Bangladeshis in the clash but Indian citizens.” The Assam conflict has not been such partisan fodder before.
The reverberations across the rest of the country may force Indians to focus for once on the chronic failings of government policy in the north-east. Linked to the rest of the country only by a “chicken’s neck” stretch of land 22km wide, the region is isolated, poor and different. Assam, easily its biggest state, is one of India’s poorest. North-easterners look different: a Manipuri teacher in Pune says everyone from passers-by to his pupils calls him, offensively, “Chinky”. North-easterners call the rest of the country “mainland India”.
One manifestation of this distinctiveness is the persistence of insurgencies. The Institute for Conflict Management, a think-tank, lists 26 active armed groups in the region, and ten organisations proscribed by India’s home ministry. There are armed separatists in five of the seven states. In the early 2000s the death toll was 1,700 a year.
Dealing with such a region was always going to be hard. Yet successive governments have made things worse. They have attempted to placate insurgent groups by giving them more autonomy. The north-east has 16 such areas, more than the rest of India. But giving each group a place of its own creates restive new minorities within the area—as in Bodoland.
National politicians have also shied away from dealing with illegal migration, partly because the issue is toxic and partly because local politicians like to register newcomers as voters. For a while, Assam even had its own immigration policy, until that was struck down by the Supreme Court. By letting ambiguity about incomers’ legal status persist, politicians leave the field open to armed extremists who want to kick all Muslims out.
Central governments have attempted to buy peace. Between 20% and 55% of north-eastern states’ GDP comes in transfers from the centre—a huge proportion. It keeps their economies going, but turns local governments into client states surrounded by autonomous areas ruled by former insurgents, while armed gangs wage guerrilla campaigns at the margins.
It is fair to say there have been some improvements. Fatalities have fallen since 2008, thanks to a deal with Bangladesh which denied some insurgents their former bases. But as is clear from the Bodo conflict, the grievances which produced the insurgencies remain. India’s long-term goals in the region are to encourage its integration with the rest of the country, to use the north-east to boost economic ties with South-East Asia, and to check China’s influence in Myanmar. At the moment, none of those aims is being advanced.
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Published: August 28, 2012 23:55 IST | Updated: August 29, 2012 02:39 IST

PCI wants law changed to bring TV, social media under its umbrella

Special Correspondent
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Justice Markandey Katju
Justice Markandey Katju
‘Unregulated electronic media playing havoc with lives of people’
Terming broadcasters’ attempts at self-regulation “futile and meaningless,” the Press Council of India (PCI) has asked the government to amend law and bring the electronic media — both broadcast and social — under the ambit of an expanded and renamed Media Council.
PCI chairman Markandey Katju has been urging the inclusion of the electronic media under the Council’s regulatory umbrella ever since he took charge last year. However, the recent exodus of people from the northeast from several metros, allegedly misled by an unregulated electronic media, seems to have been a trigger for the PCI’s new resolve.
At a meeting here on Monday, the PCI passed a resolution asking the Union government to amend the Press Council Act, 1978, by bringing the electronic media within the purview of the Act, renaming it as The Media Council, and giving it more powers.
Given the “prevailing circumstances of the country… there should not be any dilly-dallying in the matter by the government,” said a PCI statement.
Interestingly, the PCI resolution specifically refers to the social media as well as the broadcast media.
“In recent times, experience has shown that the unregulated electronic media is playing havoc with the lives of people. An example is what happened to the people of the northeast,” it said.
When the Press Council Act was originally enacted, there was no electronic media, but the law now needed to be amended to take the current situation into account.
“Journalistic ethics apply not only to the print media,” said the PCI resolution.
The Council dismissed the assertion of the broadcast media that their own self-regulatory measures are sufficient, with any further governmental oversight amounting to an attack on the freedom of the press.
“Experience has shown that the claim of the broadcast media for self-regulation is futile and meaningless, because self-regulation is an oxymoron,” said the statement.
“Regulation is different from control. In control, there is no freedom, while in regulation, there is freedom, but it is subject to reasonable restrictions in the public interest,” it said.
Regulation should be done by an independent statutory authority, including media representatives, such as the proposed Media Council, than by the government, said the PCI resolution. 

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Published: August 29, 2012 01:51 IST | Updated: August 29, 2012 01:51 IST

‘No such decision taken by Press Council’

PTI
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The Press Council of India’s statement that it has resolved to urge the government to rename it as Media Council and widen its ambit to cover the television channels and social media was disputed by a member on Tuesday, saying no such decision was taken.
K.S. Sachidananda Murthy, member of the Council and Resident Editor of Malayala Manorama daily, said in a statement that he was “surprised” that the council had issued such a press release. According to the release, the council at its meeting on Monday resolved to seek more powers and also for conversion into the Media Council, covering electronic and social media.
“The Press Council did not take such a decision. The members felt that such an important step needs to be discussed and it was decided to discuss the amendments to the Press Council Act at the next meeting of the Press Council,” Mr. Murthy said.
He has also written a letter to PCI Chairman Justice Markandey Katju, expressing surprise over the press release issued by the council.
“...it was the general consensus that the question of amendments to the Press Council Act, including giving more powers to the Council and bringing electronic and social media under the Media Council would be discussed at the meeting of the Press Council,” Mr. Murthy wrote in his letter.
Katju stands by statement
However, Justice Katju stood by the council statement that a resolution was passed. “It [Mr. Murthy’s claim] is not correct. It was a unanimous decision and he was party to that decision. I don’t know why he is saying this now,” he said over phone. 
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Published: August 30, 2012 23:56 IST | Updated: August 30, 2012 23:56 IST

Broadcasters, newspapers oppose move to bring TV under PCI umbrella

Priscilla Jebaraj


Both news channels and print newspapers have united to oppose the Press Council of India’s move to bring the electronic media under its control.
The Hindu Both news channels and print newspapers have united to oppose the Press Council of India’s move to bring the electronic media under its control.
The move seeks to negate the self-regulatory mechanism: NBA
Both news channels and print newspapers have united to oppose the Press Council of India’s move to bring the electronic media under its control.
On Thursday, the News Broadcasters Association (NBA) said it was extremely disappointed by the resolution “unilaterally,” released by PCI chairman Markandey Katju, and “purportedly passed” by the Council on August 27, which urged the government to amend the law and include broadcast and social media within its ambit.
“The NBA strongly opposes this move which seeks to negate the self-regulatory mechanism that has been in force for the last several years and has had a very real and positive impact in improving broadcasting standards,” said a statement issued by NBA secretary-general Annie Joseph said. It urged Justice Katju to “engage himself constructively with print media matters, which is the mandate he has under the Press Council Act and not to exceed his remit on commenting upon areas which are outside his jurisdiction.”
Supreme Court’s censure
In fact, NBA president K.V.L. Narayan Rao — who is also executive vice chairperson of NDTV — says that news broadcasters are more worried about the Supreme Court’s recent rebuke regarding news channels’ coverage of the 26/11 terror attacks in Mumbai. In its concluding remarks in the Kasab judgement, the apex court had said that “the mainstream electronic media has done much harm to the argument that any regulatory mechanism…must come only from within.”
“There is a difference between the Press Council saying something like this and the Supreme Court saying that, in their view, the self-regulation mechanism is not good enough,” Mr. Rao told The Hindu.
He felt that the News Broadcasting Standards Authority, set up in October 2008 under the chairmanship of former Chief Justice of India J.S. Verma, had “done far more to improve the standard of television news than the Press Council had done for the print medium.”
The Indian Newspaper Society (INS) has also joined in to oppose the PCI move to “bestow on itself more powers under the guise of bringing the electronic media” within its purview.
In a statement on Thursday, INS president Ashish Bagga said: “Print and electronic media in any case are based on two different formats altogether, clearly requiring two distinctively separate sets of guidelines…INS believes that the press in India is time-tested and self-regulated with enough maturity to continue to play the crucial role of the Fourth Estate of our vibrant democracy responsibly.” 

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Published: August 31, 2012 01:08 IST | Updated: August 31, 2012 01:09 IST

The medium as messenger

The Supreme Court’s blunt rebuke of television channels which went into a careless and competitive feeding frenzy while covering the Mumbai 26/11 terror attack is almost entirely justified. However, its concluding remark that “the mainstream electronic media has done much harm to the argument that any regulatory mechanism … must come only from within” is misplaced. First, the reprimand. There is no doubt that the live coverage of 26/11 set a low in TV journalism with the most basic of norms — objectivity, verification, dispassion — making way for a heated, overzealous and inconsiderate jumble of words and images as channels fought each other to ‘break news’ and gather eyeballs. Worse, there is evidence that at times the frenzied coverage risked the lives of people trapped in the two Mumbai hotels and endangered the security forces. Transcripts of phone conversations between the terrorists and their Pakistani handlers clearly establish that the latter were issuing instructions on the basis of what they were watching. For instance, the terrorists in Taj Mahal Palace were told the dome of the hotel had caught fire; those holed up at The Oberoi were informed that the security forces were strengthening their positions on the roof.
The Supreme Court is right that, insofar as it risked violating the right to life of others, such TV coverage cannot be justified under the right to free expression. However, it is one thing to criticise over-the-top coverage and quite another to say something that could be interpreted as tacit endorsement of an external regulatory framework. Despite the occasional excesses, self-regulation of the broadcast media is the best way of striking a balance between preserving freedom of expression from state interference and preventing the abuse of its immense power. News broadcasters are not unaware of their obligations and the reasonable restrictions on their freedom to report events. The setting up of the News Broadcasters Association, comprising 45 news and current affairs channels, with its Code of Ethics and its Red

ressal Authority to address complaints from those aggrieved, is a significant step in the right direction. Stung by the criticism of the coverage of 26/11, the NBA has issued guidelines for reporting in emergency situations, which mandate, among other things, that no information be “given of pending rescue operations or regarding the number of security personnel involved or methods employed by them.” As TV coverage of subsequent incidents has shown, self-regulation is working reasonably well and there is no reason for external control. 

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http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/article3836676.ece?css=print
Published: August 29, 2012 23:18 IST | Updated: August 30, 2012 08:41 IST

Live TV coverage put national security in jeopardy, says Bench

Legal Correspondent
  • 
Commandos entering the Taj hotel as terrorists continue firing during the Mumbai attacks on November 27, 2008. Photo: Paul Noronha
    Commandos entering the Taj hotel as terrorists continue firing during the Mumbai attacks on November 27, 2008. Photo: Paul Noronha
  • Gopal Subramanium (left), representing Maharashtra State Govt and Raju Ramachandran, Amicus Curiae for Ajmal Amir Kasab, soon after the Supreme Court verdict in New Delhi on August 29, 2012. Photo: R.V.Moorthy
    The Hindu Gopal Subramanium (left), representing Maharashtra State Govt and Raju Ramachandran, Amicus Curiae for Ajmal Amir Kasab, soon after the Supreme Court verdict in New Delhi on August 29, 2012. Photo: R.V.Moorthy
‘Security forces’ positions were being watched by collaborators across border’
Slamming the electronic media for its live coverage of the 26/11 terrorist attacks, the Supreme Court on Wednesday said that by doing so the Indian TV channels did not serve the national interest or any social cause.
A Bench of Justices Aftab Alam and C.K. Prasad, while confirming the death sentence on the prime accused, Ajmal Kasab, said the “reckless coverage… gave rise to a situation where, on the one hand, the terrorists were completely hidden from the security forces and they had no means to know their exact positions or even the kind of firearms and explosives they possessed and, on the other, the positions of the security forces, their weapons and all their operational movements were being watched by the collaborators across the border on TV screens and being communicated to the terrorists.”
The Bench said: “Apart from the transcripts, we can take judicial notice of the fact that the terrorists’ attacks at all the places, in the goriest details, were shown live on Indian TV from beginning to end, almost non-stop. All the channels were competing with each other in showing the latest developments on a minute-to-minute basis, including the positions and the movements of the security forces engaged in flushing out the terrorists.
“In these appeals, it is not possible to find out whether the security forces actually suffered any casualty or injuries on account of the way their operations were being displayed on the TV screen. But it is beyond doubt that the way their operations were freely shown made the task of the security forces not only exceedingly difficult but also dangerous and risky.”
Holding that any attempt to justify the conduct of the TV channels by citing the right to freedom of speech and expression would be “totally wrong and unacceptable in such a situation,” the Bench said: “Freedom of expression, like all other freedoms under Article 19, is subject to reasonable restrictions. An action tending to violate another person’s right to life guaranteed under Article 21 or putting the national security in jeopardy can never be justified by taking the plea of freedom of speech and expression.”
Credibility test
“Expressing its anguish, the Bench said: “The shots and visuals could have been shown after all the terrorists were neutralised and the security operations were over. But, in that case, the TV programmes would not have had the same shrill, scintillating and chilling effect and would not have shot up the TRP ratings of the channels. It must, therefore, be held that by covering live the terrorists’ attack on Mumbai in the way it was done, the Indian TV channels were not serving any national interest or social cause. On the contrary, they were acting in their own commercial interests, putting the national security in jeopardy. It is in such extreme cases that the credibility of an institution is tested. The coverage of the Mumbai terror attack by the mainstream electronic media has done much harm to the argument that any regulatory mechanism for the media must come only from within.” 

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http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-national/tp-newdelhi/article3846639.ece
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Child rights panel upset over Modi’s remark

Staff Reporter

Accusing Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi of trivialising a grave situation by attributing malnutrition in the State to the behaviour of teenagers and vegetarianism, the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) in a statement released on Friday expressed its shock at the comment.
Reacting sharply to the Chief Minister’s statement, NCPCR chairperson Shanta Sinha said, “In an interview to the Wall Street Journal recently Mr. Modi blamed the growing levels of malnutrition in Gujarat to figure-conscious girls. Studies on dietary patterns and intake suggest that far from being a personal choice, vegetarianism is related to the inability to purchase nutritionally rich animal-based foods such as milk, eggs, fish and meat and to suggest that the poor women and children of Gujarat are malnourished as a result of fashion-consciousness is a cruel joke.”
Stating that the NCPCR was looking forward to the Gujarat Chief Minister taking responsibility for this “dismal situation of gender disempowerment and inequitable distribution of resources”, she said, “We look to Mr. Modi to enable implementation of a robust health policy to correct these imbalances.”
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With great online power, comes great responsibility

Sriram Balasubramanian Sep 2, 2012, 12.25AM IST

The dawn of the 21st century, especially the last eight years, has been synonymous with change. In a rapidly evolving global technology sphere, the biggest story has been the rise of the social media. As India's establishment and the parental generation come to terms with this reality, the youngsters are well and truly submerged in this maze. But there are also a number of questions that are being raised. What is the role of social media in our lives? Is censorship the way forward in dealing with social media?
Like it or not, the social media has the ability to put issues on the map not only in India but across the world. Be it Tahirir square or Jantar Mantar, the speed and power of the social media is unquestionable. The real-time nature of the medium and its rapid pace make it best suited to a young country like India. The entire 'India Against Corruption' movement became so popular primarily because of the power of the social media. This power is derived from an innate sense of democracy that it thrives upon and a sense of fairness that is beyond question.


In a country like India, which has a million issues, the social media provides its users an opportunity to air views without restrictions. The common man on the street feels empowered to interact and there is an increase in awareness of national affairs. This ability -- to be the most democratic tool for the individual on a daily basis -- has made the social media a power to reckon with in public discourse in the country. One example is the upsurge of the centre-of-right views on Twitter that is balancing the center-of-left views in mainstream media. This balance in perspectives from both ends of the spectrum --which has been missing for a long time -- assuming it doesn't involve filthy language, is the true democratization of public opinion in urban India. However, there are issues that need to be addressed.
Social media per se is rapid and impulsive. As such, the points raised on platforms such as Twitter tend to be statements that are spontaneous and at times not necessarily in-depth. The line between glorification and destruction of individuals is so thin that both can sometimes occur simultaneously! The addictive nature of the medium is also a cause of concern especially for the younger generation. Moreover, one of the most complex issues has been the amount of hatred that is spread around the social media spectrum irrespective of ideology. Be it the extreme right or the extreme left, spewing of venom and hate is something that we as a society should not tolerate. Debating ideas and ideologies is in the ethos of our great cultural heritage; hatred has never been part of it.
However, censorship is the last thing that's needed in handling such situations. Suppression of views would only exacerbate the situation at hand. The level of discretion that comes out of censorship is not pragmatic and could set a dangerous precedent in restricting views of civil society and journalists. The best solution to this crisis is to have a process of engagement with the people who are part of the show, the internet users. More than 80 % of them are people who are inclusive and tolerant individuals. The ugly talk is derived from the fringe elements within the community.
The state and organizations such as Twitter needs to engage with the current users to create a sense of awareness about ways to help block violence and hatred being abetted online. For example, a campaign could be launched in the backdrop of the northeast exodus, highlighting the roles played by social media, both positive and negative, with concrete evidence. In addition, the state could engage with influential users to help spread the word about mischievous elements who violate the code of conduct assigned by Twitter or Facebook. The social media platforms could further enhance their spam mechanisms to levels that inhibit the flow of hatred amidst various communities. In essence, a self-regulating mechanism is created, not an imposed one.

The youth will no longer take impositions and agendas lying down. They need reason and logic and they are daring enough to fight status quo. In such an environment, there has to be a mature and a streamlined response from the state. The social media users on their part need to build collaborative walls to protect their internet space from being polluted by inappropriate interactions.
As they say, with power comes responsibility. This applies to both the constituents of social media and its regulators.
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http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/article3859742.ece?css=print
Published: September 5, 2012 01:49

“Government should use Internet, social media to counter hate speech”

Shalini Singh
 
Agree that legitimate Internet restrictions should not slide into illegitimate censorship
A key breakthrough emerging from a critical multi-stakeholder meeting held here on Tuesday on Internet censorship and legitimate state restrictions during crisis situations was that the government should itself use the Internet and social media to counter hate speech with comfort speech. Hate speech on social media has been blamed for triggering riots in Uttar Pradesh, Assam and Mumbai two weeks ago.
The participants, who included DoT Secretary R. Chandrashekhar, DG CERT-IN Gulshan Rai, representatives from Google, Facebook, Internet service providers (ISPs), mobile operators, civil society, technical community and media, said the government should partner with Internet companies, social media, ISPs and telcos (through bulk SMSs) to proactively fight fear emanating from rumours through reassuring communication.
FICCI has proposed the setting up of a Crisis Council consisting of telecom companies, ISPs, social media along with civil society and the community, with the ability to act swiftly in a crisis situation.

London example

Offering detailed examples of how the London police successfully used social media to counter riots, Google and Facebook offered to assist law enforcement agencies to similarly use the Internet for the protection of the public during times of crisis.
The discussions also led to an overwhelming consensus on the need to engage multi-stakeholder groups beyond the industry on the issue. Participants provided several benefits of such wide-ranging cooperation, including access to international practices and law, a user perspective, measures for the need for a threshold before crisis-related Internet blocking can be ordered and the need to bring in legally justified orders post blocking. To illustrate that mere blocking of content may not be the best method of combating hate speech, a suggestion was made to audit the effect of the blocking undertaken since mid-August in controlling the riots. It was felt that this information would be useful in guiding the government’s strategy in similar crisis situations in the future.

Clarity on blocking

A third key agreement was the need for greater transparency and clarity on who can direct blocking, under what circumstances, and whether those whose sites have been blocked have recourse to redress.
Dr. Gulshan Rai explained the origins of some of the legal provisions in the IT Rules, pointing out that they had been based on inputs provided by the industry itself. He also highlighted that this was the first time that the government had blocked content which needed to be appreciated when evaluating its performance.
Welcoming the suggestions, particularly the need for greater cooperation and transparency, Mr. Chandrashekhar sought a “digest” of the inputs along with relevant global best practices for the consideration of the government, while giving an assurance that the government had no intention of censoring the Internet except in special circumstances and only under lawful provisions.
Some of the intermediaries sought a greater level of disclosure in the blocking orders as well as a need for the government to offer recourse to those whose content is blocked.
Mr. Chandrashekhar acknowledged the benefits of ongoing engagement with stakeholders, improved communication, increasing awareness and transparency to principally ensure that legitimate requirements to block content does not slide into illegitimate censorship.
The next set of discussions will be held on October 4-5 in an Internet governance conference with multi-stakeholder groups and several foreign experts on board on a range of issues, including cyber security and hate speech.






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